Turkey Analyst,
vol. 4 no. 4
21 February 2011

WHAT THE COLUMNISTS SAY

The imprisonment of one hundred and sixty three military officers, among whom thirty active duty generals and admirals accused of having plotted to overthrow the AKP government, and the subsequent arrests of three anti-AKP journalists has once again revealed the fractures of Turkish society. Most commentators tend to interpret the recent developments in accordance with their political preferences and prejudices; they either take it for granted that the generals and other anti-government figures who are being brought before justice  are guilty as charged, or alternately that the allegations against them are altogether unfounded and fabricated. Meanwhile, CHP leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu’s statement that he wants to join Ergenekon, the alleged “deep state” organization that has purportedly sought to subvert the AKP government, has been widely commented. Liberal commentators worry that the CHP is offering the AKP a free ride as the party that protects democracy when it rallies to the cause of military authoritarianism which repels a vast majority of the population.

GÖKTÜRK:  IS IT REALLY ABOUT THE ”FREEDOM OF THE MEDIA”?
Commenting the detention of Soner Yalçın, the owner of the internet site OdaTv, Gülay Göktürk in Bugün observes that a person can be a journalist as well as a member of an organization plotting a coup. And the freedom of the media is not violated just because such a person is arrested, accused of belonging to an organization of coup plotters. Soner Yalçın is accused of being both a coup plotter and of having incited the population to hatred and enmity with his publications. For years, just saying that “In Turkey, the state tries to assimilate the Kurds” was enough to be charged with having incited the population to hatred and enmity. We know very well that this statute is an oft-used “solution” against the freedom of expression. Soner Yalçın's views are well known. Everyone is aware that this a person who supports a military coup, that his writings aim at saving the coup plotters who are being tried by distorting their trial, and that he seeks to sabotage Turkey’s ongoing emancipation from military tutelage. We will wage the battle against this political line of thought in political-ideological terms, damning it, and calling for its condemnation in people’s conscience. But we cannot defend his trial because of these views. True freedom of expression must also include the right to speak for a military coup – as long as there has been no attempt to take part in a coup, and under condition that such a person has not involved himself with coup plotters. So therefore, I would say, let us wait for a while before passing a final judgement. If Soner Yalçın is brought before justice because of what he has written, I will deem that a violation of the freedom of the media and speak up against it. But what if it is revealed that he has indeed had a connection with Ergenekon? Then, what will all those who know make such a fuss about the “freedom of the media” do?

TOKER:  PROBLEMS THAT CALL THE LEGITIMACY OF THE SLEDGEHAMMER CASE INTO THE QUESTION MUST BE AVOIDED
Çiğdem Toker in Akşam writes that it has become extremely difficult to speak for the rule of law without being afraid of being condemned either as coup-monger or as an opponent to a coup. The psychological climate in the country has become so polarized especially during last three years that society in its entirety is deeply divided and a terrible fear that feeds on this division – and which is unlikely to end – has laid siege on everyone. The principal objection to the latest arrests in the Sledgehammer case concerns the way these arrests were made, behind “closed doors” in the court, and after the judges who had been presiding over the case had recently been replaced. And the reason for their replacement was – we have now been informed by the High Council of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK) – that the prior judges are under investigation for charges of corruption. This is breathtaking. Just think about it: The judges in the case where ten percent of the generals and admirals in the armed forces are being tried are themselves being investigated for bribery. Does this not cast a shadow over the proceedings of the last months, when the now replaced judges had been presiding? If the Sledgehammer case really is going to live up to the hope of being a step in Turkey’s democratization, then first of all the lingering suspicions concerning the authenticity of the documents (that allegedly prove that the accused generals and other officers had been plotting a coup) need to be dispelled; and secondly, new problems that call the legitimacy of the trial into question must be avoided. Otherwise, the rift between the different parts of society that view each other with the greatest suspicion will only grow wider, and the polarization will sharpen. These are indeed dire times.

KAHRAMAN: TURKEY FIRST NEEDS TO AGREE THAT MILITARY COUPS ARE UNACCEPTABLE
Hasan Bülent Kahraman in Sabah writes that it is crucial not to forget what the Sledgehammer case means for Turkey’s democratization. For the first time ever in the history of Turkey, action has been taken upon sensing, learning and seeing that a coup was being attempted, and the matter has been brought before a court. How can the significance of this case, and even more importantly this process be denied, since civil-military relations are the defining feature of our political life? By all means, mistakes should be avoided, but is not the very fact that the matter of a coup has been brought before justice something that everyone ought to support and agree upon is welcome? Regardless of political convictions, all of Turkey should first of all reach an understanding in this fundamental respect. It is only then that a new perception of democracy can be born. Those who now claim that a civilian authoritarianism is being instituted need to start with properly reading and appreciating attempts at military authoritarianism.

ALTAN: WHY IS CHP SUPPORTING THE ERGENEKON?
Ahmet Altan in Taraf wonders why CHP leader Kılıçdaroğlu has come out in defense of Ergenekon, with his statement that he wants to join Ergenekon. Has any party in this country ever succeeded in gaining the support of the population by embracing organizations like Ergenekon, by rallying to the cause of military tutelage? If that had indeed been the case, the need for Ergenekon would never have arisen in the first place; there would not have been any need for plans to sow chaos, in order to pave the way for a military takeover. The political parties would just have asked people to vote for Ergenekon, and the matter would have been easily settled. I can only imagine two reasons to Kılıçdaroğlu’s behavior; either he is a secret supporter of the AKP, or he has given up altogether on winning the upcoming election and has put all his faith in a military coup. If the CHP has decided to self-destruct, which it surely will, that is up to that party. But the behavior of the CHP does become a general concern for the country since it leaves the AKP alone in the field; reassured that it faces no serious opposition that can threaten its hold on power, the AKP no longer feels any urgency to remedy the problems inherent to our regime.p

İNSEL: IS THE PROBLEM THE AKP OR ERDOĞAN?
Ahmet İnsel in Radikal poses the question why the ruling AKP has ceased to be a force for democratization. İnsel writes that the AKP has increasingly come to act in ways that contradicts liberal values. It is obvious that the principal explanation is that the AKP has by now settled into the role of the party of the state, that it has come to identify itself with the state, thus reverting to the old habits of this particular geography. Yet there is also one other reason: Erdoğan’s style of leadership, his way of responding to criticism. Erdoğan is behaving like an authoritarian boss who thinks everything should evolve around himself and who does not leave any room for initiative to those who surround him. When a ruling party and a government is so beholden to the energy and charisma of one single individual and when that individual starts to exhibit an inflated ego, you will start to have a problem from the perspective of democracy. Even though the root of the problem remains the AKP itself, we nonetheless cannot disregard the impact that the personality of Erdoğan is having on the AKP; it is indeed impossible to treat the AKP independently of Erdoğan. Thus the problem today is that power has become monopolized in the hands of the AKP and that Erdoğan identifies himself with this power.

© Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program Joint Center, 2010. This article may be reprinted provided that the following sentence be included: "This article was first published in the Turkey Analyst (www.turkeyanalyst.org), a biweekly publication of the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program Joint Center".

The Turkey Analyst
The Turkey Analyst is a publication of the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Joint Center, designed to bring authoritative analysis and news on the rapidly developing domestic and foreign policy issues in Turkey. It is published bi-weekly, and includes topical analysis, as well asa summary of the Turkish media debate. It is edited and compiled under the supervision of Svante E. Cornell and Halil M. Karaveli.

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The Joint Center launched a Turkey Initiative in 2006 in order to improve understanding of Turkish domestic and foreign affairs in Europe and the United States.

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